chilcot inquiry…

Posted on Tuesday 26 January 2010

Background: UN Resolution 1441 passed the Security Council unanimously on November 8, 2002. It was a ‘last chance’ resolution demanding Iraq’s compliance to previous resolutions for inspections of it’s weapons programs. Iraq agreed and inspections were resumed. At issue, did 1441 authorize use of force if Iraq didn’t fully comply?
Security Council vote

On November 8, 2002, the Security Council passed Resolution 1441 by a unanimous 15-0 vote; Russia, China, France, and Arab countries such as Syria voted in favor, giving Resolution 1441 wider support than even the 1990 Gulf War resolution. Although the Iraqi parliament voted against honoring the UN resolution, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein over-ruled them. While some politicians have argued that the resolution could authorize war under certain circumstances, the representatives in the meeting were clear that this was not the case. The ambassador for the United States, John Negroponte, said:
    [T]his resolution contains no "hidden triggers" and no "automaticity" with respect to the use of force. If there is a further Iraqi breach, reported to the Council by UNMOVIC, the IAEA or a Member State, the matter will return to the Council for discussions as required in paragraph 12…If the Security Council fails to act decisively in the event of a further Iraqi violation, this resolution does not constrain any member state from acting to defend itself against the threat posed by Iraq, or to enforce relevant UN resolutions and protect world peace and security.
The ambassador for the United Kingdom, the co-sponsor of the resolution, said:
    We heard loud and clear during the negotiations the concerns about "automaticity" and "hidden triggers" — the concern that on a decision so crucial we should not rush into military action; that on a decision so crucial any Iraqi violations should be discussed by the Council. Let me be equally clear in response… There is no "automaticity" in this resolution. If there is a further Iraqi breach of its disarmament obligations, the matter will return to the Council for discussion as required in paragraph 12. We would expect the Security Council then to meet its responsibilities.

The message was further confirmed by the ambassador for Syria:
    Syria voted in favour of the resolution, having received reassurances from its sponsors, the United States of America and the United Kingdom, and from France and Russia through high-level contacts, that it would not be used as a pretext for striking against Iraq and does not constitute a basis for any automatic strikes against Iraq. The resolution should not be interpreted, through certain paragraphs, as authorizing any State to use force. It reaffirms the central role of the Security Council in addressing all phases of the Iraqi issue.
Brief Live Blog:
5:00 AM Sir Michael Wood was the senior legal adviser to the Foreign Office – a very thoughtful man. His consistent legal advice throughout the process was that a second later decision by the Security Council was required to authorize the use of force. He was clear that the definite legal decision rested with the Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith [who will testify tomorrow]. What actually happened was that the second UN resolution never came even though Iraq was seen as out of compliance. France [and others] said it would veto a resolution to authorize the use of force. Late in the game, Lord Goldsmith took the view that 1441 was sufficient authorization for the invasion of Iraq [March 13], having held the opposite opinion earlier [March 7]. In the middle of Sir Michael’s testimony, the British government declassified the memos between Wood, Straw, and Goldsmith from the period. There was one exchange which actually contradicted the testimony of Jack Straw, Foreign Secretary at the time:
BARONESS USHA PRASHAR: I think this morning we have actually published notes that you sent to the Foreign  Secretary on 26 March, which is a — records the  Secretary of State’s conversation with Colin Powell.
SIR MICHAEL WOOD: Yes.
BARONESS USHA PRASHAR: I mean, were you concerned what he  said, that he felt entirely comfortable making a case for military action to deal with Iraq’s WMD? What were   your concerns and why did he choose to write in this way?
SIR MICHAEL WOOD: I was obviously quite concerned by what I saw him saying. I mean, often reports are not accurate. They are summaries, they are short. He may well not have said it in quite the form it came out in  the telegram, but whenever I saw something like that, whether from the Foreign Secretary or from the Prime Minister or from officials, less often perhaps, I would do a note just to make sure they understood the legal position. This is just an example of quite a few notes, but I don’t think — it certainly wasn’t my impression that the Foreign Secretary really misunderstood the legal position at this stage.
BARONESS USHA PRASHAR:
So if you think he didn’t  misunderstand, why did you take this step, what you  yourself call "aggressive" briefing?
SIR MICHAEL WOOD: I don’t call it "aggressive", the Americans call it "aggressive". Well, just to make sure that everybody was clear about the position. This was quite early. It was  before it had got into the bloodstream, if you like, of the Foreign Office and others, what the legal position was. So it was necessary just to remind people of what was the accepted view.
BARONESS USHA PRASHAR: So you were fulfilling your responsibility, making sure that everybody was fully  aware of what was within the bounds —
SIR MICHAEL WOOD: That’s right, and I see that I made the other very important point at the end of the note that  it is, of course, ultimately for the Attorney General to  advise when it comes to questions of use of force.  So although this was clear, I was setting this out,  I said I was pleased that we weren’t being drawn into  public statements and reminded them, as I reminded them  frequently, that, at the end of the day, it would be for the Attorney to advise if they were going to war.
and …
Sir Michael Wood, Downing Street’s chief legal adviser, wrote to Straw on 24 January 2003 expressing concern about comments Straw had made to then-US vice president, Dick Cheney, in Washington. Straw told Cheney Britain would "prefer" a second resolution but it would be "OK" if they tried and failed to get one "à la Kosovo".

Wood commented that this was "completely wrong from a legal point of view". He told Straw: "I hope there is no doubt in anyone’s mind that, without a further decision of the [UN security] council, and absent extraordinary circumstances of which at present there is no sign, the UK cannot lawfully use force against Iraq to ensure compliance with its security ­council WMD obligations." In a memo to Straw, Wood added: "To use force without security council authority would amount to a crime of aggression". Straw, now justice secretary, replied: "I note your advice but I do not accept it."

Wood told the inquiry: "He took the view that I was being very dogmatic and that international law was pretty vague and that he wasn’t used to people taking such a firm position. When he had been at the Home Office, he had often been advised things were unlawful but he had gone ahead anyway and won in the courts."

Wood said it was "probably the first and only occasion" that a minister rejected his legal advice in this way. "The problem for the government as a whole was they needed advice even if they didn’t want it," Wood told the inquiry.
6:30 AM David Brummell: Legal Secretary explained Lord Goldsmith’s change of heart between March 7, 2002 and March 13, 2002 as "further reflection." They questioned him about pressure but he denied that Lord Goldsmith was pressured to change his mind.
9:00 AM Elizabeth Wilmshurst: She resigned from the legal office when Lord Goldsmith ruled that UN 1441 authorized the use of force on March 13, 2002. Elizabeth Wilmshurst is a class act. She was very definite about the Law, International Law. From her perspective, using force without the UN mandate [in this case, the second Resolution] was illegal. As soon as she saw Lord Goldsmith’s March 13th Memo saying that it was un-necessary, she resigned [retired]. Her explication of the legal issues was clear and impeccable. She didn’t speculate on why Lord Goldsmith went along with Blair at the eleventh hour, but did point out that it was a very late date to be asking for a legal opinion [10 days before the invasion].

Watching these people testify in the Chilcot Inquiry is mildly depressing. They are high level people [all of them today] grappling with real issues – but in the background, what they’re dealing with is what I consider the sleazy antics of our government. It appears that Tony Blair, Jack Straw, and Lord Goldsmith came around to following the Bush/Cheney lead. At the time their Legal Advisors were struggling with the vicissitudes of International Law, their counterparts in our country were using deceit to evade International Law, good sense, and common decency. The contrast between Sir Michael Wood, Elizabeth Wilmshurst, and the other members of the Inquiry with John Ashcroft, Alberto Gonzales, David Addington, and John Yoo is striking [and embarassing] – lawyers versus unprincipled ideologues.

Whatever the outcome of this Inquiry, it’s already clear that we lead one of our most loyal allies down a garden path [to the ruin of both]. It’s easy to lose the point in all these discussions of what UN 1441 really meant, etc. It is clear that the Security Council itself was not ready to approve the use of force. The inspectors were back in Iraq, and had not found anything, but were also not feeling that Hussein was cooperating fully. So, Hussein was a jerk, we knew that. Was there evidence that there was any hurry to justify going around the UN process? None that is apparent to me, on either side of the ocean…

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