the crime of aggression…

Posted on Wednesday 27 January 2010

This morning, the Chilcot Inquiry is interviewing Lord Goldsmith, England’s Attorney General at the time [one thing I’ve relearned in listening is why I didn’t go to Law School]. Rather than detail this interview [something I’m not sure I could do if I wanted to], I’d rather address what I’ve heard about the position of the United States. In the Congressional Authorization for the use of force, Congress said "through the United Nations" and "enforce all relevant United Nations Security Resolutions."

October 2, 2002 US CONGRESS: AUTHORIZATION FOR THE USE OF MILITARY FORCE AGAINST IRAQ
SUPPORT FOR UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS.

The Congress of the United States supports the efforts by the President to–
  • strictly enforce through the United Nations Security Council all relevant Security Council resolutions applicable to Iraq and encourages him in those efforts; and
  • obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security Council to ensure that Iraq abandons its strategy of delay, evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies with all relevant Security Council resolutions.
AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES – The President is authorized to use the Armed Forces of the United States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to–
  • defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and
  • enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.

As was their custom, the Bush Administration quickly invalidated the Authority of the Congress and the call to work through the Authority of the UN with a John Bybee Memo from the DoJ:

October 23, 2002 OLC DOJ: AUTHORITY OF THE PRESIDENT UNDER DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL LAW TO USE MILITARY FORCE AGAINST IRAQ
The President possesses constitutional authority to use military force against Iraq to protect United States national interests. This independent constitutional authority is supplemented by congressional authorization in the form of the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution. Using force against Iraq would be consistent with international law because it would be authorized by the United Nations Security Council or would be justified as anticipatory self-defense.

So in negotiating the UN 1441, the bottom line US position was that there was no further need for UN Security Council Action. If Saddam was not in compliance, that fact authorized the use of force. After UN 1441 was adopted, the Administration went further – both invalidating the UN resolution and weakening the requirement for compliance, with John Yoo’s OLC blessing:

November 8, 2002 OLC DOJ: EFFECT OF A RECENT UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION ON THE AUTHORITY OF THE PRESIDENT UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW TO USE MILITARY FORCE AGAINST IRAQ
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1441 does not alter the legal authority, under international law, granted by existing U.N. Security Council resolutions to use force against Iraq.

December 7, 2002 OLC DOJ: WHETHER FALSE STATEMENTS OR OMISSIONS IN IRAQ’S WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION DECLARATION WOULD CONSTITUTE A “FURTHER MATERIAL BREACH” UNDER U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1441
False statements or omissions in Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction declaration would by themselves constitute a “further material breach” of United Nations Security Counsel Resolution 1441.

From Lord Goldsmith’s perspective, getting President Bush to go to the UN at all was an accomplishment, though the OLC documents [and everything else] make it clear that the US was hell bent to invade Iraq no matter what. The British had rejected "regime change" outright as a Casus Belli. Their conflict was over whether the UN needed to pass a second resolution specifically authorizing the use of force after UN 1441. That second resolution was never passed. Lord Goldsmith gave an official opinion that the second resolution was not necessary, coming down on the side of the "revivalist argument" – that the old UN resolutions were sufficient given Iraq’s further non-compliance after UN 1441. He gave that opinion only days before "Shock and Awe." He is giving his logic in making that decision today [and they’ve broken for lunch]. At this point, it is clear that the US is guilty of the Crime of Aggression – by any criteria. There is, of course, no court that addresses such crimes in the international arena.

The afternoon deliberations further reaffirm my decision to avoid Law School. Lord Goldsmith’s logic is based on the parsing of the meaning of certain words in UN 1441 – ‘assessment,’ ‘consider,’ etc. He is a very bright man, a master of argument, and implicitly denying any allegation that he was pressured to support the case for the use of force. Yet this seems to be an important fact relating to influence:
Lord Goldsmith met senior US officials and lawyers – including national security adviser Condoleezza Rice and senior State Department legal adviser Will Taft – in Washington on February 10. He said they had all been clear that President George Bush’s one "red line" in the negotiations on 1441 was that they should not "concede a veto" to the French on military action – something which they were adamant had not happened.

"It was hard to believe that, given what I had been told about the one red line that President Bush had, that all these experienced lawyers and negotiators in the United States could actually have stumbled into doing the one thing they had been told must not happen," he said. Two days later, in discussion with his legal assistant in London, he finally came to the conclusion that a second resolution was not necessary and he should revise his earlier draft opinion.
I will await others’ opinion of his argument and his decision. It has to do with the British response, not ours. All of those testifying make the point that the United States’ position was very different than England’s. We’ll see what Tony Blair has to say on Friday. For a reminder, I’ve linked the Downing Street Memo of the Cabinet meeting in July 2002 [Lord Goldsmith was listed as being present].

Goldsmith’s logic, as I have said, hangs on the parsing of words. In essence, since UN 1441 did not require and specify a second determination, none was needed. He based that on these clauses from the Resolution:
1. Decides that Iraq has been and remains in material breach of its obligations under relevant resolutions, including resolution 687 (1991), in particular through Iraq’s failure to cooperate with United Nations inspectors and the IAEA, and to complete the actions required under paragraphs 8 to 13 of resolution 687 (1991);
2. Decides, while acknowledging paragraph 1 above, to afford Iraq, by this resolution, a final opportunity to comply with its disarmament obligations under relevant resolutions of the Council; and accordingly decides to set up an enhanced inspection regime with the aim of bringing to full and verified completion the disarmament process established by resolution 687 (1991) and subsequent resolutions of the Council;
4. Decides that false statements or omissions in the declarations submitted by Iraq pursuant to this resolution and failure by Iraq at any time to comply with, and cooperate fully in the implementation of, this resolution shall constitute a further material breach of Iraq’s obligations and will be reported to the Council for assessment in accordance with paragraphs 11 and 12 below;
11. Directs the Executive Chairman of UNMOVIC and the Director-General of the IAEA to report immediately to the Council any interference by Iraq with inspection activities, as well as any failure by Iraq to comply with its disarmament obligations, including its obligations regarding inspections under this resolution;
12. Decides to convene immediately upon receipt of a report in accordance with paragraphs 4 or 11 above, in order to consider the situation and the need for full compliance with all of the relevant Council resolutions in order to secure international peace and security;
  1.  
    January 28, 2010 | 10:34 PM
     

    […] generated Memos invalidating Congress, the UN, and International Law [the whims of power…, the crime of aggression…]. Our process wasn’t flawed, it was absent. Throughout the testimony of Sir Michael Wood, […]

  2.  
    July 4, 2010 | 1:06 PM
     

    […] a tortured argument that got around the need for a UN Resolution. Here’s how I put it in when Goldsmith testified at the Chilcot Inquiry: The afternoon deliberations further reaffirm my decision to avoid Law […]

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