repudiated preadolescent memos…

Posted on Thursday 30 July 2009

The references at the end of this post are the Office of Legal Counsel Memos that have been officially repudiated by the Department of Justice, primarily in the OLC Memo [Re: Status of Certain OLC Opinions Issued in the Aftermath of the Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001] written by Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General Steven Bradbury and published five days before the Bush Administration left office. His legal arguments are sound, though he is something of an apologist – asking us to be more understanding than I’m inclined to be given the gravity of the actions of his predecessors. Nevertheless, I don’t want to pick at his arguments, but rather focus on the arguments of the original authors. And I don’t particularly want to question why the Administration wanted to do what it wanted to do. We’re all worn out with their argument that "torture works" or the "surge worked." Sometimes if you’re hard up for cash, "armed robbery works" too. In the courts, it’s called "theft by taking" and it’s a crime. So the "ends justify the means" has long ago been labelled as a fallacious argument.

Intelligence developes by "leaps" according to the cognitive psychologist Jean Piaget. And the final leap comes around the time of puberty – the development of the capacity for using formal logic. While it’s a great step for the child’s mind, it’s early manifestations are often unpleasant for the parents. The child now has the same reasoning power of the adult he/she will become, and they know it. It leads to the heavy use of what is called rationalization. The early adolescent is a litigator extrordinaire. Example…
    A thirteen year old at a clinic where I volunteer who is at war with him mother argued, "She’s driving me nuts, saying the same thing over and over. ‘Did you wash the dishes?’ – in the kitchen, in my room, outside. I went to the basement and she yelled it down the stairs. She’s got a real problem!" Of course, when I asked if he’d washed the dishes, he said "No."
another…
    "My dad gets off on grounding me. Cigarettes in my backpack? Only one time! Found pot in my room? It was only two joints, little ones! He’s just crazy!"
It takes time and experience to learn to sit on the other side of some silly argument like these and listen to the absurdity. Some adolescents get there quickly, other take their time. Some never make it. While we’re all capable of using rationalizations as excuses, the healthy person doesn’t really believe such misuses of logic. But there are plenty of people who make it into adulthood buying their own rationalizations in their own minds. If you’ve ever talked to many criminals, you know what I mean. They’re called "jail house lawyers" and they sound like preadolescents at their worst. Another place one sees this failure to move beyond the era of rationalization is in those college freshmen who did great when their parents were watching in high school, but fell apart when they’ were on their own and flunked out of school. Dick Cheney comes to mind. Karl Rove too.

There’s another kind of adolescent that believes their own self-serving arguments – called a bully. The bully backs up his/her argument with force, winning the day by intimidation rather than logic. There’s one of those in this story too – Cheney’s Lawyer/Chief of Staff, David Addington. Every report about this man confirms what we saw in his Congressional Hearing – he’s a contemptuous bully.

I don’t know about John Yoo. People talk about his background, being the son of Korean parents who escaped to America to become Conservatives. He’s a smart guy, but he seems like a "mark" to me – someone who can be engaged into going along with the "big guys." But that’s a guess. Whatever makes him tick, he’s a rationalizer of the first order.

And then there’s George W. Bush. He’s easy. He’s a spoiled brat who grew up with a silver spoon in his mouth and got his way too often. Like I said, Bush is easy…

In this first set of repudiated memos, The conclusions are simply wrong, so the rationalizations are immaterial. We have the right to privacy. We can only be deprived of that right if there’s a  person-specific reason involving infringement of the rights of others that has been heard and certified by a court of law. Likewise the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 forbids the use of the Military inside our borders for very good reasons. There’s nothing confusing about these laws. The Administration wanted to do broad based data mining, and they wanted to use the Military which is unconstrained by Civil Law. Can’t do that without changing the Law or the Constitution. No wonder they kept these opinions secret.

Suspension of Rights

September 25, 2001 [John Yoo]
memoforeignsurveillanceact09252001.pdf
Constitutionality of Amending Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act to Change the “Purpose” Standard for Searches
Concludes that changing “purpose” to “significant purpose” would not violate the Fourth Amendment. The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 1/15/09 memo re status of certain OLC opinions.


October 23, 2001 [John Yoo and Robert Delahunty]
memomilitaryforcecombatus10232001.pdf
Authority for Use of Military Force to Combat Terrorist Activities Within the United States.
Concludes that, “the President has both constitutional and statutory authority to use the armed forces in military operations, against terrorists, within the United States. We believe that these operations generally would not be subject to the constraints of the Fourth Amendment …” The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 10/6/08 memo.


February 8, 2002 [John Yoo]
FISA
Still secret. Subject of FOIA request filed by ACLU on 12/09/08.

Proposes that FISA does not govern intelligence surveillance for national security purposes because FISA does not include a clear statement of intent to do so. The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 1/15/09 memo re status of certain OLC opinions.

I don’t know why they wanted to break the treaty with Russia, but I do know why they didn’t want us to ignore Treaties and Laws with al Qaeda and the Taliban. But that’s why we have Treaties and Laws – to prevent vigilanties and lynch mobs. Breaking Treaties defeats the point of Treaties. We don’t do that. 

Breaking of Treaties

November 15, 2001 [John Yoo]
memoabmtreaty11152001.pdf
Memorandum Regarding Authority of the President to Suspend Certain Provisions of the ABM Treaty
This is to provide you with our views on the question whether the President has the constitutional authority to suspend certain articles of the Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems, May 26, 1972, U.S. – U.S.S.R., 23 U.S.T. 3435 (the "ABM Treaty") insofar as is necessary to allow the development and testing of missile defenses. You have asked us to consider two cases: first, suspension of the relevant articles by mutual consent of both the United States and the Russian Federation; second, unilateral suspension by the United States. We conclude that the President has the constitutional authority to suspend the articles in either case.


January 22, 2002 [John Yoo, Jay Bybee]
bybee12202mem.pdf
Application of Treaties and Laws to al Qaeda and Taliban Detainees ("Treaties and Laws Memorandum")
Addresses treatment of detainees captured in Afghanistan with respect to long-term detention at the U.S. navy base at Guantanamo Bay and trial by military commissions. Concludes that the Geneva Conventions do not apply to al Qaeda members. Also concludes that the President has authority to deny the Taliban militia POW status. Finds that because customary international law constitutes neither federal law nor a treaty recognized under the Supremacy Clause, CIL does not bind the President or restrict the actions of the U.S. military.

And P.O.W. status? "Why they weren’t P.O.W.s, they were common criminals! Wait, criminals have rights. Let’s call them detainees." The Bushites were mad and wanted to torture the "bad guys" and get them to "talk." We all felt the same way. After all, the Taliban and al Qaeda were barbarians, instead of civilized people like us. Again, people at war are always mad like we were after 911. We have Treaties and Laws to keep us from becoming barbarians ourselves. The biggest rationalization of all is to interpret "we don’t torture people in America" as meaning that it’s okay to torture people by setting up prisons outside the U.S. and doing it there or contracting other countries to do it for us – preadolescent logic at its most absurd. To me, this is not just conceptually criminal, it’s the real McCoy.

Treatment of P.O.W.s

January 22, 2002 [John Yoo, Jay Bybee]
bybee12202mem.pdf
Application of Treaties and Laws to al Qaeda and Taliban Detainees ("Treaties and Laws Memorandum")
Addresses treatment of detainees captured in Afghanistan with respect to long-term detention at the U.S. navy base at Guantanamo Bay and trial by military commissions. Concludes that the Geneva Conventions do not apply to al Qaeda members. Also concludes that the President has authority to deny the Taliban militia POW status. Finds that because customary international law constitutes neither federal law nor a treaty recognized under the Supremacy Clause, CIL does not bind the President or restrict the actions of the U.S. military.


March 13, 2002 [Jay Bybee]
memorandum03132002.pdf
President’s Power as Commander in Chief to Transfer Captured Terrorists to the Control and Custody of Foreign Nations
Concludes that, “the President has plenary constitutional authority, as the commander in chief, to transfer such individuals who are held and captured outside the United States to the control of another country.” The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 1/15/09 memo re status of certain OLC opinions.


April 8, 2002 [Patrick Philbin]
memojusticeauthorizationact0482002.pdf
Swift Justice Authorization Act
Concludes that Congress cannot interfere with the President’s exercise of his authority as Commander-in- Chief to control the conduct of operations during war, including his authority to promulgate rules to regulate military commissions. The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 1/15/09 memo re status of certain OLC opinions.


June 27, 2002 [John Yoo]
memodetentionuscitizens06272002.pdf
Applicability of 18 U.S.C. § 4001(a) to Military Detention of United States Citizens
Concludes that the “the President’s authority to detain enemy combatants, including U.S. citizens, is based on his constitutional authority as Commander in Chief ” and that the Non-Detention Act cannot interfere with that authority. The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 1/15/09 memo re status of certain OLC opinions.


August 1, 2002 [Jay Bybee]
dojinterrogationmemo20020801.pdf
Standards of Conduct For Interrogation Under 18 U.S.C. §§ 2340-2340A
Concludes that conduct rises to the level of torture under domestic law and the Convention Against Torture only if it causes pain akin to pain associated with organ failure, impairment of bodily function and death. Prosecution for such acts may be barred where it infringes upon the President’s Commander-in-Chief powers to conduct war and necessity and self-defense may justify interrogation in violation of § 2340A. The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 1/15/09 memo re status of certain OLC opinions.


March 14, 2003 [John Yoo]
34745res20030314.html
Military Interrogation of Alien Unlawful Combatants Held Outside the United States
Concludes that the Fifth Amendment’s due process protections and the Eight Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment do not apply to enemy combatants held abroad and that federal criminal laws of general applicability do not apply to authorized interrogations of enemy combatants. Also asserts that customary international law can be overridden by the President at his discretion. The memo is criticized and partly repudiated in Steven Bradbury’s 1/15/09 memo re status of certain OLC opinions.

But over and above the preteen logic in these memos, the thing that stands out in bold relief is their contempt for authority – the authority of either Congress or the Judiciary. In fact these bodies are treated as the enemy. While we expect to alter our system in times of an emergency [emergency powers], this is different. Many of these memos are obviously about something else – they propose fundamentally altering our system of government by fiat. At the core, these memos have nothing to do with 9/11 or the wars. They have to do with an indefensible ideological position. It’s in phrases like this monotonous kind of language that pervades these Memos and Bush’s endless Signing Statements: "Nothing in the text or the history’ of Article I’s general grant of authority to incorporate international law into federal law authorizes Congress to interfere with the President’s specific authority as Commander in Chief to …" do whatever in the hell he wants to do.

How do you refute Yoo’s repetative argument – that Congress cannot constrain the President? It’s easy. Use the technique that most people learn in adolescence. Just take the other side. How many Bush Administration Officials do you hear arguing that Obama has the power to do anything, ever?

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