fabulists and fables…

Posted on Tuesday 2 December 2008

In the story of the blind men and the elephant, each blind man describes the beast based only on the part he can feel. The moral of the story is something like: "Don’t make decisions based on just the part of the problem you can see. Look at all the parts before acting." A version of this fable’s message is the rule of "unintended consequences" – essentially the same: "In fixing one part of a system, watch out for creating another [maybe bigger] problem in the process." I made up a saying once when I had to give a talk on Systems Theory: "A system is only composed of parts when it’s broken." Armed with these powerful tools, I’ve been looking over what people are saying about "fixing" our current financial crisis.

Frank Partnoy is a Law Professor at the University of San Diego and is the author of Infectious Greed: How Deceit and Risk Corrupted the Financial Markets and F.I.A.S.C.O.: Blood in the Water on Wall Street. In the mid-1990’s, he worked as a trader in the derivative market, and has made market regulation his specialty in the Law. The part of the elephant he feels is the credit default swap problem.

Partnoy’s 2002 testimony as an expert witness in the hearings after the Enron Collapse is a masterpiece I would recommend reading in its entirity. He talks in detail about Enron’s manipulations and their trading in the unregulated derivative markets. He ends with:
    Congress also must decide whether, after ten years of steady deregulation, the post-Enron derivatives markets should remain exempt from the regulation that covers all other investment contracts. In my view, the answer is no. A headline in Enron’s 2000 annual report states, “In Volatile Markets, Everything Changes But Us.” Sadly, Enron got it wrong. In volatile markets, everything changes, and the laws should change, too. It is time for Congress to act to ensure that this motto does not apply to U.S. financial market regulation.
So in his Enron testimony, only two years after the Commodity Futures Modernization Act [in the early days of the Housing bubble] Partnoy is already pointing to the unregulated derivatives markets as big trouble. In a recent NYT op-ed, he makes a similar point in talking about Paulson’s Bailout Plan:
    Buy the Loans
    By FRANK PARTNOY
    September 26, 2008

    Here’s a key reason Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson’s bailout proposal stalled: it had an overbroad definition of the troubled assets the government would purchase. Under the Treasury’s definition, the government could spend much or all of the proposed $700 billion to buy complex derivatives held by Wall Street firms, instead of directly purchasing actual mortgage loans.

    Fortunately, there is a compromise. The most efficient means of providing support to the credit markets would be for Congress to limit the definition of troubled assets to actual home mortgage loans. Congress should give the Treasury authority to purchase only the real financial assets at risk — the actual loans — not the derivatives whose prices depend on the values of those loans. If the government takes this approach, and buys and renegotiates mortgage loans directly, it will indirectly support the mortgage-based derivatives that have caused widespread losses at banks. But it will do so without favoring banks at the expense of homeowners…
Partnoy feels the part of the beast that he knows best, the insanity of the unregulated derivatives market. From what I’ve read, most rational economists feel the same way. It goes without saying that the credit default swaps will either be prohibited or regulated in any long term solution to this crisis. Partnoy is even advising to keep them out of the equation in the Bailout. What would be the downside of his suggestion? One that seems obvious is that a solution to this crisis requires freeing up the credit markets. Credit default swaps are a way of insuring loans, making Banks more comfortable with loaning money. So, finding a safe way to insure loans seems to be an essential in any Bailout Plan. His response is in the second paragraph above [which bears reading several times].

Paul Krugman is a Princeton Professor of Economics and a twice weekly columnist in the New York Times [Conscience of a Liberal]. He recently won the Nobel Prize in Economics. In my way of thinking, he’s a macro-economist, thinking about the big picture of the economy in general. He writes a lot, so we know what he thinks. He thinks it’s imperative to reform the financial system and, basically, get over deregulation. He has long argued against the Conservative advocates of a free, unregulated market [I so agree with him that I can’t evaluate that advice because to me, strict regulation is a given]. But he goes further. He’s an advocate for spending big, running up whatever national debt necessary, and doing whatever it takes to get the economy flowing as soon as possible in whatever way works. Conservatives would [and do] disdain him as a "New Dealer." Today, his column attempts to answer people who worry about the deficits generated by such a plan:
    Deficits and the Future
    By PAUL KRUGMAN 

    Right now there’s intense debate about how aggressive the United States government should be in its attempts to turn the economy around. Many economists, myself included, are calling for a very large fiscal expansion to keep the economy from going into free fall. Others, however, worry about the burden that large budget deficits will place on future generations.

    But the deficit worriers have it all wrong. Under current conditions, there’s no trade-off between what’s good in the short run and what’s good for the long run; strong fiscal expansion would actually enhance the economy’s long-run prospects. The claim that budget deficits make the economy poorer in the long run is based on the belief that government borrowing “crowds out” private investment — that the government, by issuing lots of debt, drives up interest rates, which makes businesses unwilling to spend on new plant and equipment, and that this in turn reduces the economy’s long-run rate of growth. Under normal circumstances there’s a lot to this argument.

    But circumstances right now are anything but normal. Consider what would happen next year if the Obama administration gave in to the deficit hawks and scaled back its fiscal plans. Would this lead to lower interest rates? It certainly wouldn’t lead to a reduction in short-term interest rates, which are more or less controlled by the Federal Reserve. The Fed is already keeping those rates as low as it can — virtually at zero — and won’t change that policy unless it sees signs that the economy is threatening to overheat. And that doesn’t seem like a realistic prospect any time soon.

    What about longer-term rates? These rates, which are already at a half-century low, mainly reflect expected future short-term rates. Fiscal austerity could push them even lower — but only by creating expectations that the economy would remain deeply depressed for a long time, which would reduce, not increase, private investment. The idea that tight fiscal policy when the economy is depressed actually reduces private investment isn’t just a hypothetical argument: it’s exactly what happened in two important episodes in history.

    The first took place in 1937, when Franklin Roosevelt mistakenly heeded the advice of his own era’s deficit worriers. He sharply reduced government spending, among other things cutting the Works Progress Administration in half, and also raised taxes. The result was a severe recession, and a steep fall in private investment. The second episode took place 60 years later, in Japan. In 1996-97 the Japanese government tried to balance its budget, cutting spending and raising taxes. And again the recession that followed led to a steep fall in private investment…

    One more thing: Fiscal expansion will be even better for America’s future if a large part of the expansion takes the form of public investment — of building roads, repairing bridges and developing new technologies, all of which make the nation richer in the long run…

    But right now we have a fundamental shortfall in private spending: consumers are rediscovering the virtues of saving at the same moment that businesses, burned by past excesses and hamstrung by the troubles of the financial system, are cutting back on investment. That gap will eventually close, but until it does, government spending must take up the slack. Otherwise, private investment, and the economy as a whole, will plunge even more.

    The bottom line, then, is that people who think that fiscal expansion today is bad for future generations have got it exactly wrong. The best course of action, both for today’s workers and for their children, is to do whatever it takes to get this economy on the road to recovery.
This is the part of economics that’s hard for me to understand – the part about group behavior. Capitalism apparently requires movement – money has to flow. If people hunker down too much, hold on to what they’ve got, tighten their belts too tightly, a destructive cycle ensues in which commerce grinds to a halt, unemployment skyrockets, and businesses collapse. This happened between the 1929 Crash and F.D.R.’s election. The downside to his advice is rising deficits, and he answers this objection in the article.

Robert Shiller is a Economics Professor at Yale, author of many books, including Irrational Exuberance and Subprime Solution: How Today’s Global Financial Crisis Happened and What to Do about It. He’s a "bubble expert" who predicted both the dot.com bubble and the housing bubble. He collaborated to develop the Case-Shiller Index, widely used to evaluate housing markets. His part of the elephant is the housing bubble which burst in early 2006, and is at the root of our current crisis. Even before it burst, he advocated getting on top of the problem of shaky [sub-prime] loans. No one listened at the time [when it might have helped].

Shiller is something of a psycho-economist [my term]. He’s interested in the group psychology of booms [bubbles] as in the title of his book, Irrational Exuberance. This is from a review of his book on the sub-prime crisis:

    … he thinks the subprime meltdown had more to do with psychology and sociology than economics. People believed themselves into a bubble, to the point where even rational, conservative people like the heads of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac couldn’t forsee price drops of more than 13.4% in the housing market.

    There is a strong theme of irrational responses in the face of fundamental uncertainty in this book, something The Black Swan author Nassim Taleb (who wrote a blurb for Shiller’s book) has a lot to say about. Most of the leaders of the day couldn’t see the subprime crisis as it happened, simply because they didn’t think these issues could ever get that bad.

    Shiller spend a lot of time comparing the housing bubble in the US from 2000-2007 to the housing bubble which existed in the 1920’s just before the stock market crash of 1929 and the ensuing Great Depression. Then, as now, people let prices of houses outstrip the prices of building those houses, and people borrowed cheap money, knowing the interest rates wouldn’t stay so low, in the hopes of flipping the house or re mortaging it later on based on continually rising house prices. People bought to flip, and in that Ponzi game type scenario, when there are no more willing buyers, the bubble collapses…

    But how to solve the problem?

    First, Shiller is in favour of bailing out those worst affected right away, and on a massive scale. Think Dobb-Frank on steriods. Shiller wants to stop millions of people getting thrown out of their homes, because to allow this would be an injustice… Second, Shiller wants policy makers to change regulatory environments and financial institutions in the same broad sweeping reforms we saw after the Great Depression. Shiller wants a New New Deal. For example, changing the rules on selling variable rate mortgages to people who most likely will default would kill the subprime crisis. People in the financial industry knew this would happen, but no one wanted to tell them this, because they weren’t legally obliged to do so. The incentives weren’t set correctly, and those are what Shiller wants to change through institutional reform. Third, Shiller wants us to understand the psychological nature of the crisis: over-confidence created the crisis, but under confidence made it worse. Fourth, the subprime crisis is a truly global financial crisis, perhaps on the scale of the Great Depression, but the problems generated by the crisis’ effects like the credit crunch can be solved before they are allowed to worsen…

Shiller’s expertise is in recognizing and predicting economic bubbles – the situation where price rapidly outruns value and leads to a crash. While his focus is on the psychology of bubbles, he also recognizes the contribution of shady loan practices that were part of this bubble. I can’t criticize his ideas for several reasons. First, I’m no economist and have only known what a bubble is for two weeks [pretty strong reason]. Second, I haven’t read his books, only reviews [also strong]. But the thing that bothers me is his way of focusing on psychological factors. That seems to me to be a given – greed. It comes with the package. I would focus more on the absurd loan practices that developed after the Commodity Futures Modernization Act changed lender incentives. This bubble was forming in 2000, but the ability to dump the risk in loans into the derivative market accelerated the bubble like rocket fuel [in my opinion]. I guess I see this as an "assisted bubble."

But even if my objection is part of the explanation, Shiller’s question, "Why don’t people recognize bubbles until it’s too late?" is extremely important. Everyone thought and acted as if this rapid rise in house prices would slow down, then level off. In retrospect, that seems absurd, but that’s what many of the best minds thought [Greenspan, Bernanke, etc.].

Robert Shiller’s solutions are consistent with those of Frank Partnoy and Paul Krugman. Like Partnoy, he says buy up the mortgages themselves. But Shiller is more specific. Don’t buy the speculator’s mortgages. Buy the low end mortgages – the ones where people were tricked. And he advocates New Deal level intervention and rapid support of the credit markets as does Krugman. Shiller’s unique contribution is in the area of financial bubbles, but to my reading his contribution is in the area of early recognition and preventive intervention, not in "mopping up."

My introduction [the blind men and the elephant] was something of a sham, because these guys aren’t blind. We’re very lucky to have them around to frame the issues in this crisis for us. They may feel their specific part more than the others, but they all seem to see the whole beast, and there’s something of a consensus on what to do:
  • Un-Deregulate banks and financial markets in general

  • Regulate the hell out of the derivatives market in the specific

  • Don’t bailout speculators in either the housing market or the derivatives market.
    They were part of causing the problem, not its victims
  • Bailout the real victims buy buying their loans and renegotiating them.

  • Go after reviving the economy and the flow of credit with a vengence
    [just like F.D.R. did in the 1930’s]
  • If Robert Shiller smells a bubble, jump on it yesterday!

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